Characterization of the mitochondrial active-site serine protein LACTB: filaments in the mitochondrial intermembrane space

Mitochondria have evolved from endosymbiotic alpha-proteobacteria. During the endosymbiotic process early eukaryotes dumped the major component of the bacterial cell wall, the peptidoglycan layer. Peptidoglycan is synthesized and maintained by active-site serine enzymes belonging to the penicillin-binding protein and the β-lactamase superfamily. Mammals harbor a protein named LACTB that shares sequence similarity with bacterial penicillin-binding proteins and β-lactamases. Since eukaryotes lack the synthesis machinery for peptidoglycan, the physiological role of LACTB is intriguing. Recently, LACTB has been validated in vivo to be causative for obesity, suggesting that LACTB is implicated in metabolic processes. The aim of this study was to investigate the phylogeny, structure, biochemistry and cell biology of LACTB in order to elucidate its physiological function. Phylogenetic analysis revealed that LACTB has evolved from penicillin binding-proteins present in the bacterial periplasmic space. A structural model of LACTB indicates that LACTB shares characteristic features common to all penicillin-binding proteins and β-lactamases. Recombinat LACTB protein expressed in E. coli was recovered in significant quantities. Biochemical and cell biology studies showed that LACTB is a soluble protein localized in the mitochondrial intermembrane space. Further analysis showed that LACTB preprotein underwent proteolytic processing disclosing an N-terminal tetrapeptide motif also found in a set of cell death-inducing proteins. Electron microscopy structural studies revealed that LACTB can polymerize to form stable filaments with lengths ranging from twenty to several hundred nanometers. These data suggest that LACTB filaments define a distinct microdomain in the intermembrane space. A possible role of LACTB filaments is proposed in the intramitochondrial membrane organization and microcompartmentation. The implications of these findings offer novel insight into the evolution of mitochondria. Further studies of the LACTB function might provide a tool to treat mitochondria-related metabolic diseases.

Impact of the Human Bacterial Environment on Mycobacteriosis and Allergy

My work describes two sectors of the human bacterial environment: 1. The sources of exposure to infectious non-tuberculous mycobacteria. 2. Bacteria in dust, reflecting the airborne bacterial exposure in environments protecting from or predisposing to allergic disorders. Non-tuberculous mycobacteria (NTM) transmit to humans and animals from the environment. Infection by NTM in Finland has increased during the past decade beyond that by Mycobacterium tuberculosis. Among the farm animals, porcine mycobacteriosis is the predominant NTM disease in Finland. Symptoms of mycobacteriosis are found in 0.34 % of slaughtered pigs. Soil and drinking water are suspected as sources for humans and bedding materials for pigs. To achieve quantitative data on the sources of human and porcine NTM exposure, methods for quantitation of environmental NTM are needed. We developed a quantitative real-time PCR method, utilizing primers targeted at the 16S rRNA gene of the genus of Mycobacterium. With this method, I found in Finnish sphagnum peat, sandy soils and mud high contents of mycobacterial DNA, 106 to 107 genome equivalents per gram. A similar result was obtained by a method based on the Mycobacterium-specific hybridization of 16S rRNA. Since rRNA is found mainly in live cells, this result shows that the DNA detected by qPCR mainly represented live mycobacteria. Next, I investigated the occurrence of environmental mycobacteria in the bedding materials obtained from 5 pig farms with high prevalence (>4 %) of mycobacteriosis. When I used for quantification the same qPCR methods as for the soils, I found that piggery samples contained non-mycobacterial DNA that was amplified in spite of several mismatches with the primers. I therefore improved the qPCR assay by designing Mycobacterium-specific detection probes. Using the probe qPCR assay, I found 105 to 107 genome equivalents of mycobacterial DNA in unused bedding materials and up to 1000 fold more in the bedding collected after use in the piggery. This result shows that there was a source of mycobacteria in the bedding materials purchased by the piggery and that mycobacteria increased in the bedding materials during use in the piggery. Allergic diseases have reached epidemic proportions in urbanized countries. At the same time, childhood in rural environment or simple living conditions appears to protect against allergic disorders. Exposure to immunoreactive microbial components in rural environments seems to prevent allergies. I searched for differences in the bacterial communities of two indoor dusts, an urban house dust shown to possess immunoreactivity of the TH2-type and a farm barn dust with TH1-activity. The immunoreactivities of the dusts were revealed by my collaborators, in vitro in human dendritic cells and in vivo in mouse. The dusts accumulated >10 years in the respiratory zone (>1.5 m above floor), thus reflecting the long-term content of airborne bacteria at the two sites. I investigated these dusts by cloning and sequencing of bacterial 16S rRNA genes from dust contained DNA. From the TH2-active urban house dust, I isolated 139 16S rRNA gene clones. The most prevalent genera among the clones were Corynebacterium (5 species, 34 clones), Streptococcus (8 species, 33 clones), Staphylococcus (5 species, 9 clones) and Finegoldia (1 species, 9 clones). Almost all of these species are known as colonizers of the human skin and oral cavity. Species of Corynebacterium and Streptococcus have been reported to contain anti-inflammatory lipoarabinomannans and immunmoreactive beta-glucans respectively. Streptococcus mitis, found in the urban house dust is known as an inducer of TH2 polarized immunity, characteristic of allergic disorders. I isolated 152 DNA clones from the TH1-active farm barn dust and found species quite different from those found from the urban house dust. Among others, I found DNA clones representing Bacillus licheniformis, Acinetobacter lwoffii and Lactobacillus each of which was recently reported to possess anti-allergy immunoreactivity. Moreover, the farm barn dust contained dramatically higher bacterial diversity than the urban house dust. Exposure to this dust thus stimulated the human dendritic cells by multiple microbial components. Such stimulation was reported to promote TH1 immunity. The biodiversity in dust may thus be connected to its immunoreactivity. Furthermore, the bacterial biomass in the farm barn dust consisted of live intact bacteria mainly. In the urban house dust only ~1 % of the biomass appeared as intact bacteria, as judged by microscoping. Fragmented microbes may possess bioactivity different from that of intact cells. This was recently shown for moulds. If this is also valid for bacteria, the different immunoreactivities of the two dusts may be explained by the intactness of dustborne bacteria. Based on these results, we offer three factors potentially contributing to the polarized immunoreactivities of the two dusts: (i) the species-composition, (ii) the biodiversity and (iii) the intactness of the dustborne bacterial biomass. The risk of childhood atopic diseases is 4-fold lower in the Russian compared with the Finnish Karelia. This difference across the country border is not explainable by different geo-climatic factors or genetic susceptibilities of the two populations. Instead, the explanation must be lifestyle-related. It has already been reported that the microbiological quality of drinking water differs on the two sides of the borders. In collaboration with allergists, I investigated dusts collected from homes in the Russian Karelia and in the Finnish Karelia. I found that bacterial 16S rRNA genes cloned from the Russian Karelian dusts (10 homes, 234 clones) predominantly represented Gram-positive taxa (the phyla Actinobacteria and Firmicutes, 67%). The Russian Karelian dusts contained nine-fold more of muramic acid (60 to 70 ng mg-1) than the Finnish Karelian dusts (3 to 11 ng mg-1). Among the DNA clones isolated from the Finnish side (n=231), Gram-negative taxa (40%) outnumbered the Gram-positives (34%). Out of the 465 DNA clones isolated from the Karelian dusts, 242 were assigned to cultured validly described bacterial species. In Russian Karelia, animal-associated species e.g. Staphylococcus and Macrococcus were numerous (27 clones, 14 unique species). This finding may connect to the difference in the prevalence of allergy, as childhood contacts with pets and farm animals have been connected with low allergy risk. Plant-associated bacteria and plant-borne 16S rRNA genes (chloroplast) were frequent among the DNA clones isolated from the Finnish Karelia, indicating components originating from plants. In conclusion, my work revealed three major differences between the bacterial communtites in the Russian and in the Finnish Karelian homes: (i) the high prevalence of Gram-positive bacteria on the Russian side and of Gram-negative bacteria on the Finnish side and (ii) the rich presence of animal-associated bacteria on the Russian side whereas (iii) plant-associated bacteria prevailed on the Finnish side. One or several of these factors may connect to the differences in the prevalence of allergy.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Tonically Active Kainate Receptors (tKARs) : A Novel Mechanism Regulating Neuronal Function in the Brain

Fast excitatory transmission between neurons in the central nervous system is mainly mediated by L-glutamate acting on ligand gated (ionotropic) receptors. These are further categorized according to their pharmacological properties to AMPA (2-amino-3-(5-methyl-3-oxo-1,2- oxazol-4-yl)propanoic acid), NMDA (N-Methyl-D-aspartic acid) and kainate (KAR) subclasses. In the rat and the mouse hippocampus, development of glutamatergic transmission is most dynamic during the first postnatal weeks. This coincides with the declining developmental expression of the GluK1 subunit-containing KARs. However, the function of KARs during early development of the brain is poorly understood. The present study reveals novel types of tonically active KARs (hereafter referred to as tKARs) which play a central role in functional development of the hippocampal CA3-CA1 network. The study shows for the first time how concomitant pre- and postsynaptic KAR function contributes to development of CA3-CA1 circuitry by regulating transmitter release and interneuron excitability. Moreover, the tKAR-dependent regulation of transmitter release provides a novel mechanism for silencing and unsilencing early synapses and thus shaping the early synaptic connectivity. The role of GluK1-containing KARs was studied in area CA3 of the neonatal hippocampus. The data demonstrate that presynaptic KARs in excitatory synapses to both pyramidal cells and interneurons are tonically activated by ambient glutamate and that they regulate glutamate release differentially, depending on target cell type. At synapses to pyramidal cells these tKARs inhibit glutamate release in a G-protein dependent manner but in contrast, at synapses to interneurons, tKARs facilitate glutamate release. On the network level these mechanisms act together upregulating activity of GABAergic microcircuits and promoting endogenous hippocampal network oscillations. By virtue of this, tKARs are likely to have an instrumental role in the functional development of the hippocampal circuitry. The next step was to investigate the role of GluK1 -containing receptors in the regulation of interneuron excitability. The spontaneous firing of interneurons in the CA3 stratum lucidum is markedly decreased during development. The shift involves tKARs that inhibit medium-duration afterhyperpolarization (mAHP) in these neurons during the first postnatal week. This promotes burst spiking of interneurons and thereby increases GABAergic activity in the network synergistically with the tKAR-mediated facilitation of their excitatory drive. During development the amplitude of evoked medium afterhyperpolarizing current (ImAHP) is dramatically increased due to decoupling tKAR activation and ImAHP modulation. These changes take place at the same time when the endogeneous network oscillations disappear. These tKAR-driven mechanisms in the CA3 area regulate both GABAergic and glutamatergic transmission and thus gate the feedforward excitatory drive to the area CA1. Here presynaptic tKARs to CA1 pyramidal cells suppress glutamate release and enable strong facilitation in response to high-frequency input. Therefore, CA1 synapses are finely tuned to high-frequency transmission; an activity pattern that is common in neonatal CA3-CA1 circuitry both in vivo and in vitro. The tKAR-regulated release probability acts as a novel presynaptic silencing mechanism that can be unsilenced in response to Hebbian activity. The present results shed new light on the mechanisms modulating the early network activity that paves the way for oscillations lying behind cognitive tasks such as learning and memory. Kainate receptor antagonists are already being developed for therapeutic use for instance against pain and migraine. Because of these modulatory actions, tKARs also represent an attractive candidate for therapeutic treatment of developmentally related complications such as learning disabilities.